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Syria: Assad Reform - Myths and Reality
Global Arab Network - - Asif Khalifa
Thursday, 27 October 2011 11:01
syria_cartoon_-_bashar_assad_
Global Arab Network - The Syrian Government has responded to protest and criticism of its subsequent actions by claiming to start a process of reform. Global Arab Network reports according to FCO piece which examines the gap between what it has promised and what it has delivered as following:

1. Myth: President Assad has granted a general amnesty to political opposition movements, including the Muslim Brotherhood.

Reality: Many political prisoners were excluded from the amnesties, and many more innocent civilians have been detained since for political reasons. 

Between March and June 2011 President Assad issued three decrees (the General Pardon for Crimes Committed Before 7/3/2011, the General Pardon for Crimes Committed Before 31/5/2011, and the General Pardon for Crimes Committed before 20/6/2011) granting amnesty to a number of political prisoners. The regime claimed that this was the first step in allowing greater political participation.

However, the first decree did not include many political prisoners (mostly from the Muslim Brotherhood), and the subsequent two did not cover thousands of Syrians who have fled or been exiled from Syria. The regime has released a number of petty criminals under these pardons but also arrested thousands of others people for their role in peaceful protests. Every week there are reports of hundreds more political prisoners. These include:

Syrian actress May Skaf who was detained when taking part in a peaceful demonstration in Damascus on July 13th and later released only subject to restrictions on her movements and visible surveillance;
Opposition member Mahmud Issa who was arrested on April 20 in Homs after giving an interview to Al-Jazeera, only hours after the Syrian Cabinet approved a bill to rescind emergency rule.
We strongly urge the Government to meet all its human rights obligations and uphold political freedoms, equal access to justice and the rule of law.

2. Myth: Lifting the Emergency Law was the start of a Syrian reform process. 

Reality: despite the promise of the Syrian government, it has done nothing to allow normal political life to resume. 

One of the regime’s first steps in response to protests was to declare on March 24th 2011 that the “State of Emergency” (declared in 1963) would be lifted and the security forces governed by civil law. For the people of Syria this should have meant an end to arbitrary arrests, detention without trial and an unaccountable security force.

But President Assad has not turned his actions into words. Peaceful protest are still not allowed to take place, political meetings are subject to intimidation and repression, and the security forces operate without respect for due process and with immunity from prosecution. For example:

On 19 April, and as part of repealing the “State of Emergency”, the regime announced that peaceful protests would be permitted if permission was sought from and granted by the Ministry of the Interior.  The first application for a demonstration - to take place in the Kurdish north-east of Syria - was made a few days later.  The regime’s response was unambiguous. Instead of granting permission they arrested the activists who lodged the application.
On 30 March, President Assad delivered his first speech since the start of the unrest in Syria.  Following the death of protesters in the cities Latakia and Deraa, President Assad promised a full investigation to ensure those responsible were found “in order to end divisions and heal wounds”.  Six months on, nothing has happened.  No one from the security forces or military has been arrested, let alone charged or prosecuted.  The families of those killed have had no explanation. 

3. Myth: The Syrian Government is facilitating a “National Dialogue” to hear ordinary Syrians’ concerns

Reality: The regime selects which “ordinary” Syrians it would like to hear from and ignores any point of view that is inconvenient 

Initially the regime claimed that it would engage on substantive issues raised by protestors by convening a national dialogue. But the regime chose who would participate, selecting sector or academic experts, and ignoring activists or those who had some claim to represent the Syrians on the streets. They then controlled the questions that could be asked, made clear the responses they expected and failed to implement any of the suggestions generated.

The regime then claimed that they would allow opposition groups to meet to discuss issues and subsequently engage with them to understand and respond to the demands of ordinary Syrians. In reality those few opposition groups who managed to meet without disruption from the security forces have been subjected to heavy surveillance. The threat of violence or arrest means they cannot express their views freely and the government has done nothing to engage them.

4. Myth: The protests in Syria are the result of armed groups inciting trouble and deaths a result of terrorist attacks on the security forces and the army.

Reality: The UN report that government forces have killed over 3,000 protestors, including nearly 200 children.

A fact-finding mission from the Office of the UN High Commissioner on Human Rights found evidence that 3,000 people have been killed by the military and security forces since protests began in March. The UN says that:

Those killed include at least 187 children;
Military and security forces have adopted an apparent “shoot to kill” policy against protestors, telling soldiers they would themselves be shot if they refused to comply;
Security forces have pursued a policy of arbitrary arrest and detention of those suspected of taking part in demonstrations.  And torture has been widespread, even including children;
The authorities imposed blockades on several cities, depriving inhabitants of basic goods and services.  Those who left their homes to find food were sometimes shot by government snipers;
The scale and nature of these acts may amount to crimes against humanity. 
For six months the protests were overwhelmingly peaceful, despite the government brutal violence that exacerbated tensions.  While some protestors now feel driven to respond in kind this does not justify the totally disproportionate response of the regime.   The UK strongly condemns all violence.

5. Myth: President Assad is committed to delivering reform and just needs some time to regain security control.

Reality: Assad has had seven months to deliver reform but has not done so.

There have been numerous presidential decrees and laws which appear to be steps towards reform. They have turned out to be empty promises. For example:

On 4 August 2011 the President issued a new law on political parties, in theory to facilitate a move away from Ba’ath Party dominance of the political system and allow the development of new political parties. However, under the law, there was no change to Article 8 of the constitution which ensures Ba’ath dominance of the political system and the President selects the committee that decides which political parties should be allowed. It has not even formed let alone approved  any new parties.  Meanwhile security forces prevent any progress.  In mid-July opposition members were planning a meeting in Qaboun, near Damascus, to link to the opposition conference taking place in Istanbul.  The day before the meeting, security forces shot and killed a dozen people near the meeting hall that was to be used in a deliberate attempt to intimidate peaceful activists. 
The Syrian authorities have prevented almost all international journalists from reporting in the country and maintained complete control over all national media outlets. Protestors have called for greater media freedoms but without success. On 28 August 2011 the President issued a decree passing a new law on media freedoms. But this effectively dictates that journalists must not criticise the regime, its symbols, national unity, national security or the military.
These are not meaningful steps towards a more inclusive and democratic society that respects human rights. In seven months President Assad has only used violence and weapons against peaceful protestors. Time is not the issue: the regime’s brutal repression of all those who dare to disagree with shows its true colours.  President Assad has lost all legitimacy and can no longer claim to lead the country. 

6. Myth: Syria’s economic problems are a result of sanctions

Reality: For ordinary citizens the economic pain they are currently feeling is a direct consequence of the regime’s actions – a result of the current violence and decades of economic mismanagement.  International sanctions are targeted against the regime and its supporters and they have made regime actions more expensive. Any decision to pass these on to the Syrian people is one made consciously by the Assad regime.

For many years Syria’s economy has been stunted by economic mismanagement and corruption, much of it caused by those close to President Assad. The country currently ranks 134 (out of 183) on the World Bank’s index of ease of doing business, but even before the crisis Syria  struggled to maintain its place in these rankings as other countries in the region liberalised and modernised at a much more rapid pace. In the Middle East and North Africa region, Syria ranks fourteenth out of eighteen.  There have been attempts at economic liberalisation, but they have been totally inadequate and consistently too little too late. As a result many ordinary Syrians continued to live in suffering and economic deprivation.

The regime’s repression is destabilising normal life in towns and cities across Syria, and causing uncertainty about the future. As a direct result of the repression, tourism and investment have stopped, trade and confidence are down, and jobs are being lost. For as long as the regime fails to reform and continues with its violence the majority of investors, banks and consumers will remain cautious about any business in or with Syria.

EU sanctions are a response to the regime’s actions. They specifically target those Syrians responsible for the brutal repression of largely peaceful protests and those supporting the regime. They have been carefully designed to minimise the impact on the Syrian people. Most of the profit from the oil goes straight into the government’s pocket and is used to fund the security forces. So sanctioning the oil sector helps make it more difficult for the regime to fund its repression and violence.

The Government announced a series of economic measures at the start of the crisis (such as the increase in public sector salaries) designed to buy support, but which it could not afford. On 23 September the regime announced a ban on imports. But one week later it repealed the ban as a result of the disastrous impact on ordinary businesses and citizens. These poorly conceived economic measures, coupled with political and security instability provoked by the government, are doing far greater damage to the Syrian people than any sanctions imposed against the country.

Global Arab Network

Source: Syria Blog on FCO Website with title: Syrian Reform: Myths and Reality
 

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